By Matthew Fiddy
‘This is too small.’ In an office in west Accra a mediator
tells a father that his offer of child maintenance is not satisfactory. The
discussion continues for another twenty minutes before the father eventually
produces a figure that is accepted by the mother.
The parties were participating in mediation at the
Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice (CHRAJ) in Ghana, an
independent organisation set up principally to promote human rights and guard
against corruption. Over time, however, CHRAJ has become heavily involved in
dispute resolution. The vast majority of these disputes are family matters,
specifically child maintenance and custody issues.
CHRAJ resolves family disputes through mediation, a model
that is still developing in England and Wales. As family mediation becomes more
prominent as a result of recent reforms, the experience of CHRAJ could provide
valuable insight into how the new system of family justice might work.
Family Mediation in England and Wales
Mediation remains a fairly alien thing to most parents in
England and Wales. Research identified by Gingerbread, a charity set up to
support single parents, indicated that while 50,000 couples are referred to
mediation each year, only 13,500 couples actually participate. In addition, Gingerbread found that in recent mediation pilots in family courts
only 17% of private law disputes were referred to mediation. These figures demonstrate that mediation is currently on the fringes of family
dispute resolution.
This is likely to change significantly in the near future,
however. The Family Justice Review (FJR), commissioned by the Government,
reported in November 2011. The review strongly promoted the idea of mediation
becoming the norm in family cases and outlined a new process whereby parents
would have to follow various steps encouraging mediation before going to court
would be possible.
In its response to the FJR in February 2012, the Government
gave its full support to these proposals. Reaction from other groups to the review has also been largely positive across
the political spectrum, even if concerns have been raised about implementation. Mediation, therefore, is likely to become a key aspect of the family justice
system in England and Wales in the next few years.
The CHRAJ Model
While family mediation is only just coming to the awareness
of policy makers in England and Wales, it is very much entrenched in dispute
resolution in Ghana. 4,665 family cases were reported to CHRAJ for possible
mediation in 2008, significantly higher than the number of family cases registered in court.
The process of dispute resolution is swift. Cases are
typically resolved through mediation within two or three weeks of registration.
Once a case has been reported by one of the parties to a dispute, an invitation
is sent to the other party for mediation with a date.
When the parties arrive for mediation they are informed of
the principles behind CHRAJ and the mediation process. These are that
participation is voluntary, confidential and fair to both parties. One key
difference to family mediation in England and Wales, however, is that the
mediators are far more willing to give their opinions about proposed settlements
to the parties directly (as the comment to the father in the above example
demonstrates). If the discussions are successful, terms of settlement will be
drawn up and then signed or (more often) thumb printed by the parties.
Statistics on Success
In 2008 12,919 human rights cases were reported to CHRAJ and
the vast majority of these cases were family matters. 74% of the cases in this category, for example, were concerned with children,
women’s rights, and property disputes between families. 9,693 cases were
successfully disposed of by CHRAJ in 2008.
The national picture is reflected on a local level. In
Greater Accra for instance 538 cases were reported to CHRAJ in 2008. 358 of these cases were settled through mediation. More recent local figures
also back up this trend. For example, in the west municipal office of the Greater Accra region, 36 cases
were reported to CHRAJ in February and March 2011. All of these cases had been settled by the following month.
Lessons for England and Wales
There are many possible explanations for the success of
CHRAJ. One factor already mentioned is the cost of litigation in Ghana. The
monetary disincentive of pursuing a case to court undoubtedly helps to focus
the minds of participants in mediation. In a country where disposable income is
scarce any way of saving money in dispute resolution is welcome.
More optimistically for England and Wales, however, is the
idea that mediation genuinely works for families. CHRAJ mediators report that
talking to each other to resolve mutual problems has clear therapeutic
benefits. The
experience of CHRAJ in Ghana provides supporters of reform with evidence that
mediation can bring about benefits for families that do not exist in the
current system.
Despite this, there may be barriers to achieving the same
success. One notable concern is the absence of representation or legal advice
to participants at CHRAJ. Parties almost never receive legal advice before
taking part in mediation, nor are they represented during the process. This
means that there is the potential for power imbalances and negative outcomes
for weaker participants. In England and Wales the recent legal aid reforms mean
that many participants may also be unable to access legal advice in family
cases. The disadvantages in terms of fairness experienced at CHRAJ may therefore
surface in England and Wales.
Secondly, the cultural differences between Ghana and England
and Wales may prevent family mediation from taking off as successfully.
Ghanaians are well used to resolving disputes by talking to each other in
public. This custom may derive from the tribal system that still exists across
much of Africa. The idea of sitting down with family members and interested
parties to resolve disagreements is natural and obvious in this part of the
world.
In Europe the nuclear nature of most families means that
there might not be this same willingness to collectively resolve private
disputes. In general, people maybe less likely to openly discuss problems and
more inclined to rely on the official and detached process of litigation.
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